Dekaise, Daniel

Jonathan Kwitny, mentionne très brièvement Robert Keith Gray dans son livre "The crimes of patriots". Dans ce livre, il est aussi question de "Ed" Wilson et du "Naval Field Operations Support Group (NFOSG)", connu sous le nom de "Task Force 157" ( https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB46/ )




(...)




Il y a aussi l'article de Susan B. Trento :

Lord of the Lies
How Hill and Knowlton's Robert Gray pulls Washington's strings
The Washington Monthly, September 1992, pp. 12-15

https://www.unz.org/Pub/WashingtonMonthly-1992sep-00012

Robert Keith Gray et William Casey ...

Robert Keith Gray

Former Chairman and CEO of PR firm 'Hill & Knowlton', which 60 minutes once called an 'unelected shadow government' due to its influence in Washington.

Adviser to Eisenhower and Nixon. Worked as deputy director of communications during Reagan's 1980 campaign - working directly under William Casey - who later became CIA Director.

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https://archive.org/details/CIA-RDP89-00244R000200260025-0/page/n1/mode/2up




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Explosive Secrets of Covert CIA Companies
Rodney Stich







Congress and Other Cesspools
Rodney Stich

https://www.christies.com/features/President-Reagans-world-10-auction-lots-7587-1.aspx

(sans doute en 1971)

Harvard Business School Bulletin, Volume 47
Harvard Business School, 1971

Robert Gray (above right with Bush)




Gray was Eisenhower's appointments secretary and then secretary of the cabinet

Pour information :

https://books.google.be/books?id=slDVAAAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA30&dq=%22Robert+Keith+Gray%22,&hl=fr&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiNgObMmJzzAhUGuaQKHSfSBxgQ6AF6BAgGEAI#v=onepage&q=%22Robert%20Keith%20Gray%22%2C&f=false

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Ways and Means · 1972



(...)

https://books.google.be/books?id=8IoG84QtfNIC&pg=PA216&dq=%22Robert+Keith+Gray%22&hl=fr&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjvx_aDnpzzAhV9gP0HHYm5CicQ6AF6BAgEEAI#v=onepage&q=%22Robert%20Keith%20Gray%22&f=false

Queer in America: Sex, the Media, and the Closets of Power
Michelangelo Signorile

https://books.google.be/books?id=xpl1AAAAMAAJ&pg=PA130&dq=%22Robert+Keith+Gray%22&hl=fr&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjvx_aDnpzzAhV9gP0HHYm5CicQ6AF6BAgKEAI#v=onepage&q=%22Robert%20Keith%20Gray%22&f=false

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Task Force to Investigate Certain Allegations Concerning the Holding of American Hostages by Iran in 1980 · 1993
















_ _ _ _ _ _

To Kill a Country
Pamela J. Ray

La Démocratie contrariée: Lobbies et jeux du pouvoir aux États-Unis
Georges-Albert Astre

Pour information

Wolf Trap Farm Park and Mary McLeod Bethune Council House ..., Numéro 111
United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Energy and Natural Resources. Subcommittee on Public Lands and Reserved Water

1983

Deep Politics and the Death of JFK
Peter Dale Scott

Total Propaganda: From Mass Culture To Popular Culture
Alex S. Edelstein

Reaganland: America's Right Turn 1976-1980
Rick Perlstein

Transnational Organized Crime
MargaretE. Beare

Inside the Shadow Government




(...)



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"The Enterprise" :

Strength of the Pack: The Personalities, Politics and Espionage Intrigues ...
Douglas Valentine





Threads of Silk -- Bands of Steel: Bondage Within the Web
Gyeorgos Ceres Hatonn

En lisant le livre "The Power House" de Susan B. Trento, on comprend ce qui liait Robert Keith Gray au Guatemala (voir son passeport).

On apprend aussi qu'il était proche de Clare Boothe Luce (page 34)

Gray gushed with praise for Clare Boothe Luce during her ambasadorship to Italy. She, too, would become a lifelong friend, eventually serving on the Board of Directors when Gray started his own company.

Clare Boothe Luce était au American Security Council.

Robert Keith Gray a eu pour client " IRIS " (page 255)

Gray and Company also did work for another intelligence-related client on which the firm lost money. IRIS - International Reporting and Information Systems - was supposed to be the computerized clipping service like Nexis except it was of the moment ; and the software was supposed to allow IRIS experts to instantly analyse trends and what events presaged. (16)

IRIS ended up in bankruptcy, owing Gray and Company over 70 000 USD. To some Gray and Company officials, the scenario was "hauntingly familiar". IRIS was, in fact, a private intelligence service, run by former CIA operatives, for private businesses. IRIS had once approached Livingstone about a position.

In addition to these strange and murky accounts that tied Gray and Company to the new private intelligence world, both Gray and Livingstone claimed friendships with William Casey.

Il est question de IRIS dans le livre de René Haquin :

Des Taupes dans L'Extreme-Droite La Surete de l'Etat et le WNP





et dans le schéma de Michel Libert :

https://www.nytimes.com/1982/02/26/us/bob-gray-public-relations-man-to-the-powerful.html?searchResultPosition=10

BOB GRAY: PUBLIC RELATIONS MAN TO THE POWERFUL

By Lynn Rosellini, Special To the New York Times
Feb. 26, 1982

Washington P.R. Wars, Scene One: Nancy Thurmond is sitting in Bob Gray's office. ''I just had a meeting on Project Hope,'' she is saying, referring to her favorite charity ball. ''It was the unanimous feeling of the group that you'd be wonderful to do the publicity.''

''Sure,'' Mr. Gray says without hesitation. ''I'd love to.'' He also agrees to assist Mrs. Thurmond with a few other charity chores. Later, after she leaves, he shares a trick of his trade. ''You see,'' he says, ''I always ask if I can do anything to help.''

Nancy Thurmond is married to Senator Strom Thurmond, the South Carolina Republican who is chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee. Robert Keith Gray is a very big public relations man here.

Mr. Gray wants Senator Thurmond to help him get a client's bill though his committee. Meanwhile, he will help the Senator's wife with her charity ball. Not that there's a quid pro quo. Mr. Gray would blanch at the thought. It's just that in Washington, this is how one makes friends.

''Access comes only if you're as anxious to help as you are anxious to get help,'' said the 56-year-old Mr. Gray, who has helped a lot of his friends in the past year.

For instance, he helped President Reagan not only by chairing his inaugural committee but also by organizing a gala fund-raising event for him just last month. He helped Nancy Reagan by getting some of his clients, the singing Osmonds, to perform at one of her parties.

He regularly offers public relations advice to such Administration figures as Edwin Meese 3d, counselor to the President; Interior Secretary James G. Watt; Anne M. Gorsuch, head of the Environmental Protection Agency; Larry Speakes, the White House press spokesman, and Muffie Brandon, the White House social secretary.

And when he's not giving his friends advice, he's often giving them parties, as he did for Richard S. Schweiker, the Secretary of Health and Human Service, and for former Ambassador Clare Boothe Luce; Senator Paul Laxalt, the Nevada Republican who is one of the President's closest advisers; Sheila Tate, Mrs. Reagan's press secretary, and Mary Jane Wick, wife of Charles Z. Wick, the head of the International Communications Agency.

In turn, Mr. Gray's friends have helped him. In less than one year of operation, his new firm, Gray & Company, has become the most sought-after public relations outfit in town, with more than $9 million in annual billings. His 60-plus clients include lots of big names, such as the American Trucking Association and Warner Communications Inc.

Certainly, Mr. Gray, who for 20 years was head of the Washington office of Hill & Knowlton, the New York-based public relations firm, knows how to get things done here. But there is another reason for his success.

Consider the following possibility: The head of a large national corporation wants to see a nasty little Federal regulation eliminated. Naturally, he wants to hire whoever can offer the most access to the people in Government who can help.

In the 1940's, he might have sought the services of Thomas G. Corcoran, one of the ''brain trusters'' of the New Deal and a top-notch lobbyist. In the 1950's and 1960's, the choice might have been Clark Clifford, a sage, quiet-spoken lawyer and adviser to Presidents. In 1982, the man is Bob Gray.

''If you're going to spend your bucks,'' says Jackie Presser, a teamsters' union official who is one of Mr. Gray's clients, ''spend them in the best place you can.''

His hair is silver-gray, his suits are impeccably tailored and he is always in a hurry, now darting into a Capitol Hill reception, now zipping through town in his chauffeured limousine, now hastily conferring with one of his retinue of efficient, crisply dressed young staff members.

''Get me Jim Baker,'' Mr. Gray calls to his secretary. He is seated at his desk in an office decorated in what is perhaps best described as Early Reagan: exposed brick walls, antique oak furniture, oriental rug, plants. There is a signed photograph of the Reagans, next to wall-size blow-ups of Reagan inaugural scenes, next to an autographed picture of the Big Three of White House aides: Mr. Meese, James A. Baker 3d, the chief of staff, and Michael K. Deaver, the deputy chief of staff.

The talk goes like this: ''See if you can get John O'Connor on the phone.'' ''Get me Judge Clark.'' ''I need to reach Carol Laxalt by phone.'' ''See if I can talk to Ursula Meese.'' (In order, those are the lawyer-husband of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor; the national security adviser, William P. Clark; Mrs. Paul Laxalt and Mrs. Edwin Meese.)

It is safe to say that Mr. Gray can get just about anyone in town on the telephone, maybe even the President now and then, and just about anybody into a private meeting. For that matter, just the other day, he met individually with Senator Thurmond, on a recording industry bill: Senator Mark O. Hatfield, Republican of Oregon, on a piece of private legislation, and Senator Laxalt, on a matter of interest to the Council of State Housing Agencies.

Just now, he is talking to Mr. Baker. ''James!'' he booms. ''How are you doing?'' First, he refers to the President's just-completed news conference. ''He was dynamite,'' he says. ''We want to help you anytime we can on the outside. You know that.''

Then, Mr. Gray brings up the real reason for the call: Mr. Reagan's minimum profits tax. ''You know that we're concerned about the steel industry,'' he says. ''Those with low profitability are really under the gun. Anyone there I should be talking to or giving information to?''

Mr. Baker offers some suggestions, which Mr. Gray keeps to himself. Then Mr. Gray thanks him, adding, ''Please keep in mind anytime we can be of help.''

He hangs up the phone and telephones Robert B. Peabody, president of the American Iron and Steel Institute, one of his clients. ''Bob,'' he says, ''how're you doing? I just had a telephone call with Jim Baker on minimum profits.'' He passes along Mr. Baker's ideas, then adds, ''And just as soon as we can, we'll report back to you.''

It is difficult to measure exactly how much Mr. Gray benefits from his friends in the Administration. Partly, that is because he is reluctant to discuss specific clients and issues. And partly it is because much of the business of helping one's friends in Washington is a matter of nuance. A referral from Mr. Baker, for instance, on the minimum profits issue. Or an insight from Senator Hatfield about the status of legislation in his committee.

Knowing the right people obviously helps, and many of Mr. Gray's 83 employees were carefully selected in part for their impressive contacts.

Got a problem with the Speaker of the House, Thomas P. O'Neill Jr.? Maybe Gary Hymel can fix it. Mr. Hymel, who works for Mr. Gray, was for years the Speaker's right-hand man. Got a problem at Treasury? Maybe Bette B. Anderson, another Gray staff member, can help. She was Treasury Under Secretary in the Carter Administration.

Need a favor from Henry Kissinger? Call Joan Braden, yet another employee. A prominent Washington hostess with many highly placed friends, she regularly counts Mr. Kissinger among her dinner guests.

Not all of Mr. Gray's vast network of friends and associates have been so helpful to him. His relationships with a few, such as Tongsun Park, the South Korean lobbyist accused of influence peddling, and Edwin P. Wilson, the former intelligence agent indicted for arms trafficking, have caused him embarrassment. His fund-raising on behalf of another friend, Richard M. Nixon, led to questioning by the Senate Watergate Committee.

But Mr. Gray is a man of utmost precision. He has not survived in Washington for almost 30 years by being incautious. ''What always fascinates me is how cleverly he walks through this city,'' said Steve Martindale, a Washington lawyer who once worked for Mr. Gray. ''I've never seen him make a mistake.''

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https://www.nytimes.com/1999/09/01/us/joan-braden-is-dead-at-77-hostess-to-a-capital-elite.html

(...) By 1976, when Mrs. Braden took up her State Department posts, her friends included Vice President Rockefeller, Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger and many other powerful figures, who would assemble at the Bradens' large yellow clapboard house in Chevy Chase, Md., a Washington suburb. (...)

En novembre 1983, Robert Gray est en Espagne pour le parti "Popular Alliance" qui est fidèle à l'héritage de Francisco Franco. Ce parti n'a pas l'argent nécessaire pour payer "Gray and Company" mais lui trouve un client : l'industrie nucléaire espagnole. C'est ainsi que le premier bureau de "Gray and Company" hors des USA s'installe en Espagne.

En juin 1984, la politique pro-OTAN de Felipe Gonzalez (socialiste) est fortement contestée, notamment quand on découvre un projet de l'administration Reagan d'installer des armes nucléaires en Espagne en cas d'urgence.

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https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1984/06/04/100000-spaniards-protest-us-bases-membership-in-nato/f4135252-7644-47f5-a35b-308b6a4291b2/

100,000 Spaniards Protest U.S. Bases, Membership in NATO

By Tom Burns
June 4, 1984

About 100,000 Spaniards, according to police estimates, demonstrated here today against NATO membership and U.S. bases in Spain in what the rally's organizers called the biggest protest against the Socialist government's prowestern defense policies.

The noisy but peaceful march through the capital was the idea of the Communist Party, but it was formally organized by scores of peace and disarmament groups from different parts of Spain. Although the Socialist party refused to endorse it, the protest drew backing from several prominent leftists within the party as well as from the Socialist youth group and the powerful Socialist labor organization, the General Workers Union.

The protest coincided with a strong statement by President Felipe Gonzalez that ruled out a future neutralist policy for Spain under his government and underlined his commitment to western defense. Speaking at a press conference, Gonzalez said the government would decide by December, when the Socialist party will hold its national convention, on whether to recommend remaining a NATO member or leaving NATO and maintaining a U.S.-Spanish defense pact.

As opposition leader two years ago, Gonzalez opposed Spain's entry into NATO, and a key element in the Socialist electoral triumph in the fall of 1982 was a campaign pledge to stage a referendum on continued NATO membership. After taking office Gonzalez froze Spain's relations with the alliance's military command structure and announced that his government would reassess Spain's position within NATO.

Spain's maverick position within NATO, which has parallels with that of Greece, was most recently underlined last week when Foreign Minister Fernando Moran expressed reservations about a clause in the Washington declaration condemning Soviet rearmament and threats to peace.

But government and diplomatic sources here say Gonzalez has veered sharply in favor of NATO since coming to power. The government appears evenly divided between pro- and anti-NATO factions but in agreement over the complexity of withdrawing from the alliance.

The government is particularly embarrassed by its electoral pledge to hold a referendum on the NATO issue. Polls have consistently shown an overwhelming majority of Spaniards opposed to alliance membership, especially those who voted for the Socialists in the last election.

The demonstration today had as its main theme the demand for an immediate, clearly worded and binding referendum on NATO membership. Its second theme was the rejection of four U.S. bases here and the declaration of a neutralist foreign and defense policy.

Gonzalez refused to say what the specific government recommendation would be in a future referendum, but he warned that the party convention in December should not become a "sterile NATO-yes or NATO-no" debate. He remained vague also on the referendum date, saying it would not be earlier than the spring of next year or later than the end of 1986, which is when national elections are due.

The president's framing of an option between remaining in NATO or maintaining the existing bilateral accords with the United States, which cover American use of four bases in Spain, was seen as a studied response to the Spanish disarmament movement's rejection of both options and its proposal of neutralism.

Forced to choose, most Spaniards would probably prefer a multilateral alliance than a dependence on the United States whose defense pacts with Spain date back to 1953. The bilateral accord is widely viewed by the Spanish left as having gained a measure of international respectability for former ruler Francisco Franco.

A key element in the government's increasing alignment within NATO is the linkage between the alliance and the European Community, which Spain is seeking to join. In visits to Madrid last month West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl and Italian Prime Minister Bettino Craxi stressed the joint responsibility of sharing in European defense and economic strategy.

Kohl, whose government strongly supports Spain's bid for Common Market membership, said it would be "unthinkable" for Spain to leave NATO.

In the same way NATO membership is opposed by a majority of Spaniards, there is a widespread and all-party backing for entry into the European Community.

The pro-NATO members of the Madrid government argue privately that it is unrealistic for Spain to be simultaneously seeking to withdraw from NATO and negotiating membership in the European Community. Defense Minister Narciso Serra was recently quoted by the Spanish press as saying, "Spain's future in NATO depends on the negotiations to join EC."

According to a Foreign Ministry source, one referendum scenario that is being studied is to present a question asking Spaniards to endorse full integration, both defensive and economic, with Europe.

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https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1985/03/01/gromyko-us-envoy-meet-with-spanish-leader/907547c3-760e-444e-8201-29b54fdc7cb7/

Gromyko, U.S. Envoy Meet With Spanish Leader

By Tom Burns
March 1, 1985

Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko arrived in Madrid today and lunched with Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez almost immediately after the Spanish leader had met with U.S. Ambassador-at-large Vernon Walters.

(...) A combination of factors, which included the expulsion from Spain of two U.S. diplomats on charges of spying and the revelation that Washington had contingency plans to stockpile nuclear weapons in Spain in an emergency, has caused considerable anti-U.S. comment recently in Spanish political and media circles. (...)

Vernon Walters à cette époque :

https://www.nytimes.com/1982/06/03/us/an-envoy-who-specializes-in-sensitive-missions.html

AN ENVOY WHO SPECIALIZES IN SENSITIVE MISSIONS

June 3, 1982

Ambassador at Large Vernon A. Walters, the Army private who talked and worked his way up to three stars and then to the top level of the Central Intelligence Agency, is thriving now as the Administration's loner at large. Back in Government from the lucrative world of consulting on oil and arms, he roams the earth as Alexander M. Haig Jr.'s cat's-paw, portraying himself as an old soldier intent on a final run at peace and dismissing criticism that he is a consummate contract artist in pinstripes.

Fluent in seven foreign languages (French, Portuguese, Spanish, German, Italian, Dutch and Russian) Mr. Walters surfaced in Havana in March for a four-hour conversation with Cuban Premier Fidel Castro. He popped into Saddle River, N.J., in May for a private party with his old friends, Richard M. Nixon and King Hassan II of Morocco. And, in between, this retired general, Presidential translator, raconteur and natural gleaner of intelligence has logged untold leagues on State Department missions to El Salvador, Argentina and a dozen other troubled places.

(...)

After leaving Government in 1976, Mr. Walters became a consultant and included among his clients an American company interested in the arms market in Morocco, where Mr. Walters has many friends from his World War II days. He also worked for an international oil cartel scouting the fields of Guatemala where he also has friends in government.

(...)

the $300,000 Mr. Walters made as an international arms consultant before returning to Government compromises diplomatic professionalism.

(...)

''I am no longer in the intelligence business,'' the Ambassador emphasizes these days. But he does note, teasingly that, at best, only one out of every four of his trips is known outside the department.

''This is not being secret,'' Mr. Walters said. ''It's being discreet.''

Bob Gray et Ed Wilson

https://www.nytimes.com/1986/04/13/magazine/selling-out-how-an-excia-agent-made-millions-working-for-qaddafi.html

SELLING OUT: HOW AN EX-C.I.A. AGENT MADE MILLIONS WORKING FOR QADDAFI

By Peter Maas
April 13, 1986

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(...)

Edwin Wilson en Belgique

Blond Ghost - Ted Shackley and the CIA's Crusades
David Corn
(1994)