Douglas MacArthur II

Pour information : les conférences de l'ambassadeur Douglas MacArthur II de 1961 à 1963 sont sur le site suivant ...

http://www.scribd.com/BEGHINSELEN

http://www.scribd.com/doc/82538462/Ambassador-Douglas-MacArthur-II-Speeches-1961-1963

Il n'y a probablement rien de très surprenant dans ces discours publics.

Le plus original est celui du 18 mai 1963 à la confrérie des chevaliers du Tastevin à Nuit-St-Georges.

Quelques documents supplémentaires mentionnant Douglas MacArthur II sont sur :

http://www.scribd.com/BEGHINSELEN

http://www.scribd.com/doc/88683546/Douglas-MacArthur-II-Divers

Les conférences de la "Young Presidents' Organization" existent encore :

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Young_Presidents'_Organization

http://www.ypo.org/

Voici la réponse de la Georgetown University Library au sujet de Douglas MacArthur II

L'interview suivante est intéressante :

http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?mfdip:3:./temp/~ammem_WI9n::

J'ignorais que Douglas MacArthur II avait été si proche du SHAPE à ses débuts.

Connaissait-il l'existence des réseaux Stay-Behind (Gladio) ?


_ _


My job, on the other hand, was to take care of the military side, the NATO side of the operation.


Q: When you arrived, this was a little pre-NATO, wasn't it ?


MACARTHUR: Yes. Well, I think NATO--wasn't it '48 or '49? The treaty was signed, I think, in '47 or '48. I came there in '49. The NATO treaty--the North Atlantic Treaty, I think, was '47. You're talking maybe about SHAPE.


Q: Yes. NATO came as sort of a response to Czechoslovakia.


MACARTHUR: That's right. That was '46 and '47. So NATO was in being, but it did not have an integrated force. It was not an integrated force. There were elements of the different countries, but there wasn't really a unified command, because the hangover of traditional nationalist feelings, the British certainly weren't going to put their people under a French SACEUR--Supreme Allied Commander; the French weren't certainly going to serve under the British as a Supreme Allied Commander; it was unthinkable to have Germans commanding a unified setup of that kind. Indeed, neither the British nor the French would accept an Italian. The BENELUX countries were too small and had too little participation.


So what we moved toward was an integration of the forces of the various countries, including Germany, which had not been included at that time. What we were trying to move toward was an integration of Allied forces under some form of supreme commander accepted by all parties, but to have a coordinated business, because otherwise, how the hell could you defend against the kind of concentrated strength that the Soviets could bring to bear against you? And that's where the threat was.


In the course of this business, I worked a lot with the Joint Staff of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The head of the Joint Staff of the Joint Chiefs of Staff then was General Gruenther, one of the keenest and most brilliant minds that I've ever been exposed to, political or military--an extraordinary man. I worked over in the bowels of the five-sided building with the staff when the first NATO force goals were developed. To give you an idea of the nature of the problem, the first cut at it was totally unrealistic. The first cut that these guys came up with, these military people, called for 151 divisions.


Q: Good God !


MACARTHUR: This was the first rough cut. Then I was brought over by General Gruenther and his people to talk about it, and I told them how absolutely absurd this was. We certainly weren't going to supply that many, and the European and the rather shaky state of their economic recovery, which was progressing, but certainly couldn't bear a burden of that kind, and that furthermore, the logistical support and so forth was totally unrealistic. That included, of course, forces which we had over here that could be deployed over and so forth, but 151 divisions. So we worked on a number of things.
I was invited to attend by the Defense Department--when people like Frank Nash and other people went over to Europe on trips, they took me along as the State Department member of the group, which was an extremely useful and interesting thing, because they were meeting with defense ministers and defense ministries and military staffs and things of that kind. So I had an extremely interesting time, and we were working along toward these ends. I had charge also of the pulling together of the coordinator plans and policies for the NATO meetings.


As we moved toward the NATO Council of Ministers in Brussels meeting in December 1949, the Europeans increasingly had bought the idea that the threat was growing greater all the time from the East, and there had to be an integrated command. But they had made clear to us, separately and, in a couple of cases, collectively--usually separately--that only an American would be acceptable to everybody. It would be acceptable, because it would be an absolute assurance of our continuing and full support in the event there was any move against Western Europe, and it would be also acceptable, because there had been an American general who had successfully commanded the Allied forces in World War II and so forth. There were hints that they wanted to get General Eisenhower, by then President of Columbia University, back into harness as Supreme Allied Commander.


So we went to the Brussels NATO meeting, it lasted about three days, terrible weather, cold, freezing. I flew over in the Secretary's plane, Dean Acheson, a wonderful man to be with, with humor, toughness of mind, charm. And at that meeting, the ministers agreed to set up SHAPE as Supreme Allied headquarters for an integrated command, and they also agreed that General Eisenhower would be requested to take that command.

(...)

_ _

So every morning, five days a week, I picked up about 7:00 o'clock in the morning at the American Embassy a batch of telegrams that had been repeated to me and a summary from the department, which I then drove out to SHAPE at Rocquencourt reading the telegrams on the way out in the car. It was about a 35-minute to 40-minute run out to the headquarters outside of Paris. And I would dictate a summary, a brief summary with one brief paragraph, perhaps not more than four or five lines for each telegram, and then I would go in and brief General Eisenhower. I met with him from 8:15 'til roughly just before 9:00 o'clock every morning.

(...)

For example, on the Greek and Turkey one, I was keenly aware, because I had worked on that problem when I was Deputy Director of the Office of European Regional Affairs and had responsibility for backstopping NATO, at the end of 1949 and 1950, 'til I went with General Eisenhower in January to SHAPE, January of '51, I was aware that if you did anything in Greece, you had to have a comparable thing in Turkey, and vice versa.

(...)

MACARTHUR: It's very difficult to do certain things, particularly when you're dealing with countries with different religions and different social systems and different backgrounds and countries that have, as one looks back in history, been at each other's throats from time to time. So that was another aspect of my job at SHAPE.

(...)

But the third and very interesting business was that when General Eisenhower was Supreme Allied Commander, he had a unique position, and very frequently when foreign ministers and defense ministers and prime ministers visited France from NATO countries, they would come out to SHAPE for a meeting with General Eisenhower, to see the headquarters, and then have a briefing if they wanted or a meeting with General Eisenhower

(...)

NATO was in a period of growth and development when I was at SHAPE, and as I mentioned earlier,

(...)

So I was integrated as a member of the SHAPE staff as much as any of the military were.

(...)



________________________________


I am writing in regard to your question about Douglas MacArthur.

There is an oral history of MacArthur II found in the Foreign Affairs Oral History (FAOH) Project on the the following Web site from the Library of Congress at http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/

The FAOH interviews are searchable by interviewee on the above Web site.

The Georgetown University Library Special Collections Research Center also has the following materials about MacArthur II. You are welcome to visit our Special Collections anytime from 9 a.m. until 5 p.m., Monday through Friday to view the below items:

- Cecil B. Lyon Papers: Box 11 Folder 7 - Contains 6 TLS, 1 TL from Douglas MacArthur II, w/ carbon correspondence from CBL. Datespan of original correspondence as given above. Includes TLS 5/1/56 signed "Wahwee" MacArthur (wife, Laura L. Barkley).

- J. Graham Parsons Papers: Box 4 Folder 52 - Contains correspondence with J. Graham Parsons as U.S. ambassador to Sweden, from Douglas MacArthur II, re congratulations on appointment to Sweden. Total: 1 TLS dated 3/2/1961; 1 TLS copy dated 11/28/1966.

- J. Graham Parsons Papers: Box 3 Folder 16 - Personal/professional correspondence congratulating J. Graham Parsons on appointment as assistant secretary for Far Eastern Affairs, U.S. State Department. Includes correspondence to/from the following: Ward P. Allen; George Alexander Armstrong; Koichiro Asakai (Japanese ambassador to U.S.); Robert E. Barbour; Jules Bassin; Samuel D. Berger; James Bonbright; Philip W. Bonsal; Peter M. Boulton; Ellis O. Briggs; Winthrop G. Brown; Choi Duk Shin (Korean ambassador); Andrew V. Corry; Leon L. Cowles; Philip K. Crowe. Includes stapled packet of congratulations from Homer Byington; Walter Dowling; Douglas MacArthur II; Sam P. Gilstrap; William Leonhart; Ben H. Thibodeaux.

- J. Graham Parsons Papers: Box 2 Folder 53 - File of correspondence exchanged between J. Graham Parsons and Edwin O. Reischauer, director, Harvard-Yenching Institute, Cambridge, Mass., re 28th Annual Couchiching Conference, Geneva Park, Lake Couchiching, Ontario, Canada (8/14/1959) and Canadian-U.S. policy towards Asia. Includes TLS from Douglas MacArthur II to Parsons (12/9/1960); and carbon from Parsons to Walter McConaughy.

- J. Graham Parsons Papers: Box 2 Folder 49 - Correspondence received by J. Graham Parsons during appointment to the Office of Far Eastern Affairs, State Department, from Douglas MacArthur II. Includes carbon from Parsons to Mrs. MacArthur. Also correspondence from exchanged with Loy Henderson. All regarding personnel appointments.

- J. Graham Parsons Papers: Box 1 Folder 50 - Personal/professional correspondence received/sent by J. Graham Parsons during appointment to Tokyo, Japan. Includes correspondence with the following: Wolf Ladejinksky; Cecil B. Lyon; Douglas MacArthur II; Robert McClurkin; Ben T. Moore (Council on Foreign Relations, Inc., New York); William Norvell; Geoffrey Parsons; E.E. Partridge; George W. Perkins; Marshall Prentiss.

- William H. Jackson Papers: Box 2 Folder 28 - Correspondence dated 1955 deriving from William H. Jackson's service as Special Assistant to President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Correspondents include Douglas MacArthur II, Herbert Hoover Jr., John Hay Whitney, and John Foster Dulles. Also of note: "Directive of the Heads of Government of the Four Powers to the Foreign Ministers [typed manuscript]" and "United States Post-Geneva Policy [typed manuscript]."

- Samuel Berger Papers: Box 1 Folder 13 - Letters from other Foreign Service employees congratulating Berger on his promotion to Class 1. Correspondents include Douglas MacArthur II and embassy attachés from all over the world.

Thank you for your interest in our collections.

Best wishes,

Scott S. Taylor
Manuscripts Processor
Georgetown University Library
Special Collections Research Center


___________________________

Dans l'interview de Douglas MacArthur II, ce dernier dit avoir une grande admiration pour Paul-Henry Spaak.

Il est intéressant de noter ce qui suit :

http://sites.google.com/site/royalleopoldclubtennis/Home/leo-tennis-en-un-click/palmares-1

Simples Messieurs Deuxième Série

Simples Dames Deuxième Série

1921

Paul-Henry Spaak


1921

Mlle Hélène Van der Kindere

1923

Jacques Relecom


1925

Mlle Geneviève de Borman

1927

Léopold de Borman


1926

Mme Maurice Isaac


_ _ _



Il est très probable que Paul-Henry Spaak connaissait Jacques Relecom, le père de Michel Relecom ...

Ceci peut-il éclairer la présence ultérieure de Douglas MacArthur II dans EIM qui faisait partie de UNIBRA ?

(outre les liens de Douglas MacArthur II avec Paul Vanden Boeynants, dont une correspondance transmise par Jean Josi témoigne, et les liens entre VdB et Michel Relecom via notamment le Cercle des Nations).

Un article de Halt sur Douglas MacArthur II est sur

http://www.scribd.com/BEGHINSELEN

http://www.scribd.com/doc/91503867/Douglas-MacArthur-II-Halt

Il y a des informations intéressantes sur :

http://www.scribd.com/BEGHINSELEN

http://www.scribd.com/doc/91503867/Douglas-MacArthur-II-Halt

(outre la photo de Mme MacArthur II dont la réputation était terrifiante dans le corps diplomatique américain)

Il y a la confirmation de l'implication de Douglas MacArthur II dans les débuts de l'OTAN (alors qu'il n'était pas militaire).

Il y a aussi le lien entre Douglas MacArthur II et la CIA ... Il est vrai qu'il était ambassadeur à Bruxelles juste après l'indépendance du Congo et les grèves de 1960 ...

A sa pension (en 1972, quand il avait 63 ans), il est notamment devenu administrateur de la filiale belge de Korn/Ferry International, des chasseurs de tête ... (quand on parle de fiches de renseignement...)

Il est aussi devenu administrateur de la Compagnie Bruxelles Lambert et de l'European Institute of Management (EIM).

C'est en 1971 que EIM Europe et EIM Benelux ont été créées. EIM est ensuite devenue une filiale de UNIBRA.

UNIBRA appartenait à Michel Relecom qui était aussi administrateur de COBEPA (comme Yves du Monceau de Bergendal et d'autres).

D'autres administrateurs de UNIBRA : Albert Frère (GBL), le baron Empain (Electrorail), le baron Kronacker (Raffineries tirlemontoises), Andries Vlerick (Kredietbank et PROTEA).

Le 4 août 1981, il y a eu un important changement de statut chez EIM : "privé-bewaking en advies inzake beveiliging, onder andere anti-terreur, worden aan de bedrijfsaktiviteiten toegevoegd."

EIM a décroché des contrats importants : palais d'Egmont, parking des Affaires étrangères, etc

Le 7 août 1981 (trois jours après le changement de statut), Douglas MacArthur II est devenu administrateur de EIM.

Deux ans plus tard, c'est René Mayerus qui y est entré (à l'extrême-droite, ex-colonel de gendarmerie, il a été commandant de la région du Brabant).

Chez EIM, il faut aussi citer Marcel Barbier et Marie-Thérèse Lebon.

Mayerus était en contact avec Faez Al Ajjaz (proche du WNP). Selon Latinus, Mayerus entretenait des contacts avec Jean-Francis Calmette, un spécialiste du karaté.

Jean-Francis Calmette a donné des cours à des membres du WNP (et du Front de la Jeunesse), ainsi qu'aux membres de Dyane.

Calmette a aussi été le chef des gardiens de la société privée de gardiennage Wackenhut (City 2, etc), dont Marcel Barbier. Ce dernier est aussi entré chez EIM plus tard (quand Mayerus et Douglas MacArthur II y étaient en fonction).

Mayerus avait aussi des contacts avec Robert Beijer ; il a été la personne de contact entre Intertel et Beijer...

C'est Mayerus qui allait consulter les fiches de la gendarmerie alors qu'il n'y était plus en fonction (avant de s'en faire interdire l'accès).

Quant à Marie-Thérèse Lebon, elle travaillait à l'EIM et elle avait des contacts avec Jean Bougerol : PIO, PDG (Inforep) ...

Quand Mayerus est décédé en février 1985, Douglas MacArthur II a démissionné.

L'article parle ensuite des liens bien connus entre Douglas MacArthur II et la secte Moon (dans laquelle il faut aussi noter la présence de Alexander Haig ... mais l'article n'en parle pas).

Il est question du Général Daniel O. Graham, chef de la DIA (renseignements militaires des USA), conseiller de la campagne électorale de Ronald Reagan, promoteur de la "guerre des étoiles", WACL et CAUSA (Moon).

On sait que le WNP a eu des contacts avec la secte Moon, pourtant peu présente en Belgique ... Etait-ce via Douglas MacArthur II ???

_ _ _


Sur Daniel O. Graham, voir notamment Wkipedia ...

During 1973-1974 Graham served as deputy director of the CIA under Director William Colby and from 1974-1976 he was the director of the DIA. Ronald Reagan called upon General Graham to be his military advisor for his 1976 and 1980 campaigns. General Graham is a member of the Military Intelligence Hall of Fame.


Il est intéressant de noter le lien CIA - DIA et de rappeler que le trafiquant d'armes Jacques Monsieur (d'abord à l'armée belge, au service des achats, puis liens avec SDRA ... SGR) semble aussi avoir travaillé pour la DIA ... Il avait par ailleurs des liens avec Serge Frantsevitch ... Jacques Monsieur a fait ses débuts (connus) avec l'Irangate ...

" En 1948, Marcel De Roover, directeur de la Brufina, un holding de la Banque de Bruxelles, participe, avec le colonel Mampuys et le directeur de l'Union Minière du Haut-Katanga, Herman Robilliart, aux négociations précédant la création du service de renseignements privés, Milpol. Moyen en reçoit la direction. Comme l'indique son nom, Milpol était chargé de rechercher des données de nature militaire et politique.

(...)

Les rapports de Milpol étaient transmis à De Roover et... sans que cela apparaisse officiellement, au colonel Mampuys, chef du "deuxième Bureau" belge (ancien nom des services secrets militaires)."

_ _


Ce Marcel De Roover est étonnant. Il pourrait aider à comprendre pourquoi MacArthur II est devenu administrateur de la BBL (je n'ai pas les dates).

Selon Wikipedia :

Marcel Charles Philippe Chevalier de Roover (* 1890, † 1971) était un homme d'affaires belge.

Pendant la Grande Guerre, de Roover s'engage comme volontaire au Congo belge. En 1919 il est nommé représentant belge auprès du Général Dénikine, commandant des troupes opposées à l'Armée rouge et à la Révolution bolchévique. Après plusieurs années de service diplomatique en Bulgarie il devient, en 1926, directeur de la SOGECHIM (Société Générale Industrielle et Chimique du Haut Katanga). Pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale il est actif dans la résistance ainsi que le montrent de nombreuses décorations - arrêté par les allemands en 1942. En 1941, il devient directeur de BRUFINA, holding de la Banque de Bruxelles. De Roover est anobli en 1962.

Avant, pendant et après la Seconde Guerre mondiale de Roover se trouve au cœur des activités anti-communistes en Belgique. Dès 1966, il participe comme représentant belge au meetings de la World Anti-Communist League (WACL). Il est également membre actif du Centre européen de documentation et d'information (CEDI) et président de la section belge de cette organisation ultra-conservatrice.

Quelques articles sur Douglas MacArthur II dans les années 1970 - 1980 ...


_ _ _


The Nixon sellout of the U.S. on oil

JACK ANDERSON WITH JAMES BOYD

13 décembre 1983

The Globe and Mail

Mr. Anderson is a U.S. newspaper columnist. The following is excerpted from his new book Fiasco, the Real Story Behind the Disastrous Worldwide Energy Crisis - Richard Nixon's 'Oilgate'.

(...)

On Jan. 17 ( 1971 ), Irwin arrived in Tehran, where, as the guest of Ambassador Douglas MacArthur II, his purpose appears to have undergone a further emasculation. By now the arrival of the oil companies' joint message had created a howl of consternation at the shah's palace, and this troubled MacArthur, whose basic concern was to maintain a harmonious relationship with his imperial majesty. MacArthur opposed the "single negotiations" stance among the oil states.

On Jan. 18 the newly appointed undersecretary, accompanied by MacArthur, stood before the Shah of Shahs and Light of the Aryans.

Irwin began by jettisoning the original purpose behind his mission.

"The U.S. Government is not in the oil business," he said, "and does not intend to become involved in the details of the producing countries' negotiations with the oil companies.

"The United States has urged the companies to be co-operative and reasonable, and . . . the companies have already agreed . . . to negotiate the substantive demands included in the Caracas OPEC resolutions."

(...)

_ _ _


(Moon)

Church Spends Millions on Its Image

Second of two articles By Michael Isikoff Washington Post Staff Writer

17 septembre 1984

The Washington Post

(...) In April, the group took about 100 journalists, including about 30 American editors and reporters from mostly small- and medium-sized newspapers such as the Palm Beach (Fla.) Post and the Kokomo (Ind.) Tribune, on a two-week "fact-finding" trip to Asia. At church expense, the journalists met Thai Prime Minister Prem Tinsulanond in Bangkok, inspected refugee camps on the Cambodian border, toured the Demilitarized Zone in South Korea and received a group interview with Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone in Tokyo.

The trip cost the association about $500,000, approximately the same amount the group will spend later this year for its annual World Media Conference in Tokyo that will be chaired by Douglas MacArthur II. He is a former U.S. ambassador to Japan and a member of the editorial advisory board of The Washington Times, according to Larry R. Moffitt, executive director of the World Media Association.

An estimated 5,000 scholars, including more than two dozen Nobel laureates, have accepted expense-paid trips to academic conferences around the world held by the International Conference of the Unity of Sciences (ICUS) and the Professors World Peace Academy, two offshoots of the Moon-financed International Cultural Foundation (ICF), a New York-based umbrella organization for church academic programs.

(...)

_ _ _


Southeast Asia 10 Years Later: A Surprising Evolution

GEORGE GEDDA

13 avril 1985

The Associated Press

(...)

The situation in the Philippines is so serious that, in some circles, it has brought about a revival of the domino theory.

Douglas MacArthur II, a former ambassador to Belgium, Austria and Japan, wrote recently:

" With Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia firmly in the hands of the Vietnamese communist regime, the fall of of the Philippines to the communists would threaten the continued freedom of the other nations of Southeast Asia and dramatically alter the uneasy balance of world power on which peace so heavily depends.''

_ _ _


The Washington Post , 10 novembre 1987,

LAURA BARKLEY MacARTHUR ,

76, the daughter of former vice president Alben W. Barkley and the wife of Douglas MacArthur II, a former U.S. ambassador to Japan, Belgium, Austria and Iran, died of cancer Nov. 9 at her home in Washington.

Mrs. MacArthur was born in Paducah, Ky. She spent much of her childhood in Washington where her father served as a U.S. representative and later a senator from Kentucky. Her father served as vice president under Harry Truman from 1949 to 1953.

She attended Holton Arms School, George Washington University and the old National Law School.

She accompanied her husband, a nephew and namesake of Gen. of the Army Douglas A. MacArthur, on diplomatic assignments to Canada, Italy, Portugal, France and Vichy, France, before he was named an ambassador. Later as an ambassador's wife she presided over a variety of embassy social functions.

In the late spring of 1940, Mrs. MacArthur and her husband survived a bombing and machine gun attack by German aircraft during the fighting that preceded the fall of France. In 1970 they escaped from an ambush and kidnaping attempt by Iranian terrorists.

In addition to her husband, of Washington, Mrs. MacArthur is survived by one daughter, Laura MacArthur Deacon of Brussels ; one sister, Marian Truitt of Washington, and two grandchildren.

_ _

17. Laura Louise5 Barkley (Alben William4, Electra Elizabeth3 Smith, Sarah Ann2 Stanley, Anderson1) was born October 28, 1911 in McCracken Co., KY (Source: Biography.), and died 1987 (Source: Obituary of Douglas MacArthur II.). She married Ambassador Douglas MacArthur II Abt. 1944, son of Arthur MacArthur and Mary McCalla. He was born July 5, 1909 in Bryn Mawr, PA (Source: Biography.), and died November 15, 1997 in Washington, DC (Source: Death Record.).

Notes for Ambassador Douglas MacArthur II:
Douglas MacArthur II, 88, nephew of General Douglas MacArthur, whose long Foreign Service career included tours as ambassador to four nations and as an assistant secretary of state and work on some of the great diplomatic issues of the postwar world, died Nov. 15, 1997 at Georgetown University Hospital after a stroke and a heart attack.

Children of Laura Barkley and Douglas MacArthur are:
27 i. Douglas6 MacArthur III.
28 ii. Laura MacArthur, born 1937. She married Henri Godtiabois Deacon.

_ _ _


AUTOMOTIVE NEWS: REV. MOON'S CHURCH BEHIND PANDA MOTORS PLANT IN CHINA

25 septembre 1989

PR Newswire

(...) DETROIT, Sept. 25 /PRNewswire/ -- The Unification Church has joined a former U.S. diplomat and a major Korean industrial concern in an effort to create China's biggest car manufacturing facility, the trade paper Automotive News reported in its Sept. 25 edition.

The project is being promoted by Panda Motors, a U.S.-registered corporation. Automotive News reported that the treasurer of Panda Motors is Pak Bo-Hi. He is also chairman of Newsworld Communications, which publishes the Washington Times and is controlled by the Unification Church. Pak, a former South Korean military attache, is the chief aide to the founder of the Unification Church, the Rev. Sun Myung Moon.

Automotive News also reported that Douglas MacArthur II, former U.S. ambassador to Japan, is a director of Panda Motors.

The official China News Agency last week released sketchy details which disclosed that an auto manufacturing facility with an annual capacity of 300,000 units is under development.

Automotive News reported that Tong Il, the second-largest South Korean auto parts manufacturer -- in which the Unification Church owns a 28-percent share -- is also involved in the China car project.

Despite confirmation by the China News Agency that a new auto plant is planned, U.S. and Korean sources remain skeptical about the viability of such a venture. Although a U.S.-registered company can take advantage of bilateral cooperative agreements between China and the United States, no established auto maker that could supply parts and technology has been identified, Automotive News reported. South Korean companies find it difficult to invest directly in China because the two countries do not maintain diplomatic relations and the South Korean government has a rigid screening process for investment in any Communist Bloc nation.

Pour information, au sujet le l'aide apportée par la CIA au Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) japonais dans les années 1950s et 1960s ...

Japanese party denies receiving CIA funds

10 octobre 1994

Agence France-Presse

TOKYO, Oct 10 (AFP) - Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has denied a newspaper report that it received millions of dollars from the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) during the Cold-War era of the 1950s and 1960s.

"We researched the case through the party secretariat, but we could not find a single (piece of) evidence" to support the Sunday New York Times story which said the LDP received the money to help fight communism, a party official said.

"The report is nothing but a nuisance," LDP secretary-general Yoshiro Mori, said Sunday.

The New York Times report, quoting retired intelligence officials and former diplomats, said the CIA gave the money to the conservative party to "gather intelligence on Japan, make the country a bulwark against communism in Asia and undermine the Japanese left."

The LDP monopolized power in the Japanese government for 38 years until August 1993, when it was ousted after revelations of money-related scandals.

The party, still the largest political force in Japan, returned to power in June this year by forming an unlikely coalition with the leftist Social Democratic Party (SDP) which the CIA had reportedly tried to undermine.

Douglas MacArthur II was quoted by the US paper as saying that the SDP "had their own secret funds from Moscow."

_ _ _


`Times' Says CIA Spent Millions Supporting Japan's LDP Segment Number: 09 Show Number: 1451

10 octobre 1994

An article in the "New York Times" alleges that the CIA poured millions of dollars in support of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party during the '50s and '60s in order to undermine the Japanese left.

`Times' Says CIA Spent Millions Supporting Japan's LDP

(...)

The CIA reportedly infiltrated the Socialist Party, which it's suspected of receiving secret financial support from Moscow. By the early 1960s, CIA payments, according to the paper, were so routine they were a fundamental part of American foreign policy. Newly declassified documents cited by the Times revealed just how well entrenched the secret financing was.

A letter dated July 1958 to the State Department from the U.S. ambassador to Tokyo, Douglas MacArthur II, nephew of General MacArthur, details a request for money from Japan's Finance Minister Asaki Sato {sp}. Sato reportedly sought under-the-table contributions for the 1958 parliamentary elections during a secret meeting in a Tokyo hotel. Sato later went on to become prime minister and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize.

The CIA abandoned its covert financial operation, according to the newspaper, when trade friction frayed U.S.-Japanese relations in the 1970s. It quotes sources as saying the agency concentrated instead on spying on Japan's positions in trade and treaty talks. Neither the CIA nor Japan's government have commented. One LDP spokesman said he's never heard of any payments.

(...)

Sur Douglas MacArthur II au Japon ...

Nobusuke Kishi -- Japanese premier with close CIA ties

14 novembre 1997

Japan Economic Newswire

By Mikio Haruna

TOKYO, Nov. 14 --

Nobusuke Kishi , a suspected war criminal who spent three years in an Allied jail and later Japan's prime minister, left plenty of political skeletons when he died in 1989.

Among them was his reputed connection to the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and covert money that flowed to his political coffers.

That riddle is now being unraveled, partly through newly unclassified U.S. official documents as well as testimonies from former CIA officials.

One of them -- a former CIA operative who was directly involved in covert CIA operations in Japan -- implicated Kishi as one of the Japanese politicians who had been a beneficiary of the agency's largesse.

"Money was never paid to the party, but to individuals," the CIA ex-career officer told Kyodo News in Washington.

Was Kishi among them?

The CIA man, now in his 70s, nodded his head.

"(Kishi) was not our agent. He was our ally," said Victor Marchetti, former executive assistant to the deputy director of central intelligence.

With the U.S. intelligence community on his side, Kishi made a stunning political comeback and became Japan's eighth postwar prime minister just five years after he was removed from the Allied purge.

Three years later, in 1960, Kishi steered the Japan-U.S. Mutual Security Treaty through Diet, the very security pact which serves as the basis for the new U.S.-Japanese defense guidelines issued in September.

A state minister of commerce and industry in the wartime cabinet of Gen. Hideki Tojo, Kishi spent three years in jail after World War II, held as a suspected "Class A" war criminal. He was never prosecuted.

The internment, however, turned Kishi into a political pariah. When he was released in December 1948, his political associates shied away and no one showed up at Tokyo's Sugamo prison to see him out.

Even though the extent of Kishi's responsibility for the war had been a matter of debate, declassified U.S. documents show it was the G-2 intelligence unit of the Allied Occupation Forces which recommended Kishi's release.

In a deposition made April 24, 1947, G-2 determined that there was "no evidence whatsoever that Kishi was ever connected with any nationalistic or expansionist ideological societies."

Kishi had other powerful connections within the U.S. government. Among them was Joseph Grew, U.S. ambassador to Japan before World War II.

With the outbreak of the Pacific War, Grew was confined within the embassy compounds. Kishi wanted to take him out by inviting him to a round of golf. Grew declined but the friendship sustained.

"Kishi has been one of my highly valued friends in Japan," Grew, who helped shape U.S. policy toward Japan after the war, noted in a diary entry dated March 29, 1942.

Kishi's postwar political comeback began in April 1953 with his election to the House of Representatives on a Liberal Party ticket. His contacts within the U.S. Embassy also increased.

He met with a political officer and army officer from the U.S. Embassy at his home on Sept. 4, 1953 and it was here that Kishi expounded his political philosophy.

According to a G-2 report filed on the rendezvous, the Japanese told his embassy guests that he had run for the lower house "with the sole objective of helping to bring about a conservative coalition."

Kishi also "states his belief that the Japanese Constitution should be revised to permit the maintenance of armed forces on a legal and above-board basis."

Kishi, who never made public the September 1953 contact with the U.S. Embassy, obviously impressed his American interlocutors, who commented at the end of the G-2 report that "he doubtlessly will play an important role" in the Japanese political scene.

As predicted by the G-2 report, Kishi's political star rose in February 1957 when Prime Minister Tanzan Ishibashi, an old-fashioned liberal frowned on by Washington, resigned citing poor health after two months in office.

As soon as Kishi was named the new prime minister Feb. 25, 1957, his ties with the U.S. thickened.

As it happened, Kishi was elected premier by the Diet on the day U.S. Ambassador to Japan Douglas MacArthur II, nephew of Supreme Allied Commander Gen. Douglas MacArthur, presented his credentials to Emperor Hirohito.

The two met briefly during the occasion and MacArthur extended him an invitation on behalf of President Dwight Eisenhower to visit the United States.

Kishi and MacArthur met again two weeks later and agreed -- at Kishi's proposal -- to meet twice a week until the trip and to keep the substance of their talks confidential.

The intimate ties between Kishi and MacArthur shaped the direction of Japan-U.S. ties over the next three turbulent years that preceded the Diet ratification of the revised Japan-U.S. security pact.

During his U.S. trip in June that year, Kishi secured a commitment from Eisenhower to revise the 1952 security pact and pull U.S. land forces out of Japan, as well as U.S. recognition of Japan's latent sovereignty over the Ryukyu islands and the Bonin islands, both then under U.S. occupation.

Apart from these accords, Kishi was, to his surprise, also treated to a round of golf with Eisenhower, an event that was not in the original schedule.

Despite such presidential favors, he still posed a problem to the U.S. Kishi had to face a general election in the spring of 1958 but his personal popularity was low.

"U.S. has vital stake in outcome of next Japanese elections," Ambassador MacArthur said a telegram to the State Department, couching his words in abbreviated telegraphic language.

"If Kishi fails...constitutional revision (in Japan) may go down drain," he said, in proposing the establishment of a "high level group" in the U.S. government to help Kishi "discreetly" before the election.

In response to this proposal, the Special Group -- a U.S. government unit in charge of Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) covert operations -- took up issues related to the Japanese general election, according to a declassified document chronicling CIA activities under CIA Director Allen Dulles.

According to declassified CIA documents, Dulles had set up a covert system to channel campaign funds in order to influence the outcome of foreign elections considered vital to U.S. interests.

Under the Dulles system, the recommendation for funding needed to come from the U.S. ambassador in the target country and cleared through the Special Group.

"At that time, we had a cash delivery system known as the 'black bag' operation," said Sam Halpern, a former CIA official.

Halpern said for security purposes the "black bag" operation was known only to a few U.S. officials, including the ambassador and the CIA station chief in Japan.

The amount of money involved was probably in the range of 1 million to several million dollars, according to intelligence sources close to the CIA.

"At that time, there was plenty of leeway in the U.S. budget. Some Congressmen would go so far as to ask during closed-door hearings whether the money appropriated would be enough," Halpern said.

The May 1958 general election eventually yielded a slight gain for Kishi's Liberal Democratic Party and drew a collective sigh of relief within the U.S. government.

"(The election) endorsed the basically friendly conservative Japanese government and is expected to result in a period of political stability," the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board said in a report on Japan dated July 23 of that year.

_ _ _


Nobusuke Kishi

http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nobusuke_Kishi

(...) Jusqu'à 1948, Kishi fut emprisonné en tant que suspect de crime de guerre de Classe A. Contrairement à Tōjō (et divers autres membres du cabinet), Kishi ne fut jamais jugé par le Tribunal de Tōkyō. Cependant, il resta légalement interdit de participation dans les affaires publiques du fait de la purge des membres de l'ancien régime par les forces alliées d'occupation. Lorsque l'interdiction fut finalement levée en 1952, Kishi décida de se relancer dans la politique, et rejoignit le nouveau Parti démocrate du Japon (PDJ) en 1954. En 1955, le PDJ et le Parti libéral fusionnèrent pour élire Ichirō Hatoyama à la tête du nouveau Parti libéral démocrate. Deux Premiers ministres plus tard, en 1957, Kishi fut élu pour la succession de Tanzan Ishibashi.

Pour l'historien John Dower, « Même les pacifistes japonais qui ont endossé les idéaux de Nuremberg et de Tokyo, et qui ont travaillé à documenter et à publiciser les atrocités du régime shōwa, ne peuvent justifier la décision américaine d'exonérer l'empereur (Hirohito) de sa responsabilité pour la guerre et ensuite, au sommet de la guerre froide, de libérer et peu après de se lier à des criminels de guerre d'extrême droite accusés comme le futur premier ministre Nobusuke Kishi1. »

(...)

En 1979, on lui décerna la Médaille de la Paix Nations unies avec le criminel de guerre Ryōichi Sasakawa.

Pour information, un document rédigé par l'ambassadeur Douglas MacArthur II en 1962 ...





Sur Paul-Henri Spaak :

http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul-Henri_Spaak

Une parenthèse, au sujet de "l'oncle", le général Douglas MacArthur ... et AiG :

http://globalinsolvency.com/headlines/aig-nears-sale-hq-japan

AIG arrived in Japan in the aftermath of World War II at the invitation of Gen. Douglas MacArthur, setting up shop near the general's headquarters on the roughly one-acre site it has occupied since.

Outre AiG, il est intéressant d'étudier les liens entre le général Douglas MacArthur et les yakusas ...

http://www.netplaces.com/mafia/the-other-mafias/the-yakuza.htm

(...)  The Modern Yakuza

After World War II the American forces occupied Japan and established a military government led by General Douglas MacArthur.

The lower classes of the defeated nation were living in poverty, and a black market developed for the necessities and amenities that people had come to expect. Just as people in America had to pay through the nose for a shot of booze during Prohibition, the Japanese had to pay inflated prices to the yakuza. The yakuza fared well under the American occupation. The American military disarmed the citizenry but weren't able to disarm the criminal underworld. As a result the yakuza ran roughshod over the law-abiding populace. While the Americans jailed some crime figures, one man was actually working with the intelligence community to combat Communism. His name was Yoshio Kodama and he is recognized as the liaison between the gangsters, spies, and politicians.  (...)

_ _ _


Voir :

http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yoshio_Kodama


(...) À la fin de la seconde Guerre mondiale, Il fut été arrêté par les États-Unis, en tant que criminel de guerre. Il fut retenu dans la prison de Sugamo avec Ryoichi Sasakawa, avec lequel il se lia d’amitié. Il écrivit I Was Defeated (une autobiographie).

Les États-Unis l’ont plus tard libéré, en échange de son aide dans le combat contre le communisme en Asie. Il conclut un pacte avec les forces G-2 (une section des renseignements des forces d'occupation en 1950), et travailla pour la CIA comme lien avec les yakuza. Kodama, étant un ultranationaliste de droite, accepta, et utilisa sa fortune et son réseau des contacts pour apaiser les conflits, déraciner les sympathisants communistes, et combattre la présence socialiste au Japon.

Kodama souhaitait également que les différents gangs se rallient et ne forment plus qu’un. Après plusieurs années de luttes, il parvint à une entente entre différentes familles, en organisant des trêves, entre le Yamaguchi-gumi et le Tosei-kai notamment, dirigés par son collègue Hisayuki Machii. C’est pour cela qu’il est aujourd’hui considéré comme étant le premier Parrain de la pègre japonaise.

Kodama a été également impliqué dans un certain nombre de scandales dans l’après-guerre. Le plus important d’entre eux est le scandale Lockheed des années 1970, qui mit au grand jour les liens unissant Kodama et la CIA. La réputation de Kodama est anéantie par cette affaire et, pour la première fois depuis 50 ans, il doit s’expliquer devant la justice de son pays. Il se réfugie dans sa résidence privée suite à une série d’attaques, et parce qu’il est la cible des médias. Il est victime d’un attentat kamikaze, un avion piloté par Mitsuyasu Maeno, acteur X et ultranationaliste désillusionné, qui tente de le tuer en s’écrasant sur sa maison à Tokyo, mais Kodama en réchappera.

Il meurt le 17 janvier 1984 dans son lit.


Note : le scandale Lockheed a décidément touché beaucoup de monde ... à commencer par le créateur du Bilderberg.

_ _ _


Peter Dale Scott parle aussi des liens japonais avec les trafics de drogue (une fois de plus !)

https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v20/d128

Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961–1963
Volume XX, Congo Crisis, Document 128

128. Telegram From the Embassy in Belgium to the Department of State (1)

Brussels, September 30, 1961, 7 p.m.

630. Paris pass USRO. Embassy telegram 597.2 Congo. Believe Department telegrams 767,3 7684 and 7695 largely overtaken by time and events insofar as approach to Spaak is concerned. As reported in Embassy telegrams 562,6 5937 and 597 Spaak has been taking very constructive and helpful position re Congo and Katanga despite his private outburst to us September 14 against what he considered UN duplicity. If UN and US act in way that Belgians believe shows understanding of Belgium's legitimate interests and position in Congo, we think there is no serious problem of anti-Americanism insofar as Spaak and GOB are concerned because while bitter about UN action, Spaak continues convinced that Belgium's interest in Congo can only be preserved through reintegration of Katanga and continued presence of UN. He also agrees every appropriate and feasible step must be taken to try to strengthen Adoula's hand to prevent Gizengist takeover and to maximize chances of peaceful reintegration of Katanga. In this connection he has been pressing Union Miniere and Societe Generale vigorously to use their influence with Tshombe for peaceful reintegration of Katanga. To summarize Spaak agrees generally with points and argumentation in Department telegram 768 except third paragraph dealt with below.

In addition to series of talks on Congo that Ambassador has had with Spaak and other cabinet ministers and top officials and businessmen, Embassy has at all levels been endeavoring to educate Belgians. In addition to off-record talks with Libre Belgique and other press, Ambassador also has personally had series conversations with Robiliart and Union Miniere and Societe Generale leaders who agree with our view although Robiliart admits privately that some of their people in Katanga do not always agree with Union Miniere Brussels and are not fully controllable. This seems borne out by Elisabethville's 329,8 which reports that Van Weyenbergh showed open contempt for views of Robiliart and Union Miniere officials in Brussels, saying "Union Miniere here." We are continuing our efforts but Union Miniere is not monolithic organization controlled in Brussels and key to Union Miniere cooperation lies also in Katanga not just here. However, Van Weyenbergh (whose comments Ambassador passed on to Robiliart without divulging source) has been recalled to Brussels and Ambassador has been shown letter and telegrams (by Robiliart) dated September 27 and 29 to Van Weyenbergh's temporary successor Wallen who was sent from Brussels instructing latter use all influence with Tshombe to get him meet with Adoula and reintegrate Katanga into Congo.

Re third paragraph Department telegram 768 we believe argumentation is most dubious and to use it would be counter-productive. To try to argue fighting in Katanga was in effect started not by UN use of force to expel mercenaries and to arrest ministers of Katanga Government (latter GOB thinks was not in UN mandate), but by Katangans because they resisted use of force by UN "apparently with assistance of Belgian nationals" would be construed as an attempt on our part to pervert the true facts, would be deeply resented and would simply add to anti-American sentiment here since Belgians would consider it (A) not in keeping with facts, and (B) an attempt by US to saddle Belgium with responsibility for present Katanga strife. In this connection, it is as well known in Brussels, London and elsewhere as it is in Elisabethville and Léopoldville (Léopoldville's 507) that in a number of instances, Katangan forces resisted courageously without Belgian or other white mercenaries. Furthermore, on basis of reports from Belgian, British and other sources it also generally believed here that in addition to Belgian mercenaries there are substantial number of French, South Africans and Rhodesians. Belgians believe press reports from American and other correspondents that French officer mercenaries with Indochina and Algeria experience among most fanatical and effective in resisting UN and that Belgian mercenaries are actually a minority of total.

We believe that key to future Belgian sentiment re both US and UN will depend primarily on outcome of Katanga crisis and on US and UN attitude towards Belgium. If Congo situation deteriorates to point where Belgium's legitimate economic interests are lost there will inevitably be strong reaction, not only against us for supporting UN, but also against Lefevre and Spaak for same reason. No argumentation will lessen that sentiment with a certain sector of opinion here and we will have to ride it out. If in Belgian eyes it appears UN is trying to shift responsibility for present grave situation in Katanga from shoulders of its own officials, notably O'Brien, to the shoulders of GOB and Belgian people by blaming Belgian mercenaries for Katanga upheaval and failure of UN action, there will be strong and bitter reaction against UN. If they believe we are supporting UN campaign to shift blame on to Belgium, result will of course be increase in anti-American sentiment. In other words, development of Belgian sentiment adverse to Belgian-American relations and our interests in Congo and NATO will not depend on arguments which at this juncture are put forward as to responsibility of Katanga imbroglio, but in final analysis on what develops in Congo and on what we do and say to show understanding of and support for legitimate Belgian economic interests there. In this connection, efforts of Ambassador Gullion and Embassy Léopoldville to make both UN and GOB clearly differentiate between helpful and fully cooperative attitude of GOB and nefarious activities of Belgian, French, South African and other ultras are greatly appreciated and should prove most helpful.

MacArthur


1 Source: Department of State, Central Files, 770G.00/9–3061. Confidential; Priority. Repeated to USUN, London, Paris, Léopoldville, and Elisabethville.

2 Telegram 597, September 28, stated that, although Spaak was initially enraged at what he considered U.N. duplicity, his view of the Congo situation was much the same as the U.S. view. He shared the same basic objective of reintegrating Katanga into the Congo and had an open mind as to tactics to bring Tshombe back into the fold. (Ibid., 770G.00/9–2861)

3 Document 125.

4 See footnote 6, Document 125.

5 Sent to Léopoldville as telegram 517, September 27. It suggested that Gullion point out to the Congolese Government the desirability of containing the growth of anti-Belgian sentiment. (Department of State, Central Files, 770.G.00/9–2761)

6 See footnote 3, Document 125.

7 Telegram 593, September 27, reported that, in a September 27 conversation, Spaak expressed deep concern about the Congo situation. He had sent Tshombe several messages in the last few days urging him to have constructive talks with the Léopoldville government. (Department of State, Central Files, 770G.00/9–2761)

8 Telegram 329 from Elisabethville, September 8, reported a conversation with the head of Union Miniere operations in Katanga. (Ibid., 325.70G/9–861)

Douglas MacArthur II était impliqué dans l'OTAN et ses forces armées ...


Big Spring Daily Herald   18 feb 1951






Fergus Falls, Minnesota, United States of America 7 dec 1956

"... AMBASSADOR Douglas MacArthu II nephew of Gen..."







Pacific Stars and Stripes 12 mrt 1960

"... with Following a General and Burns were to return to Envoy to Leave For Baguio Meat TOKYO Ambassador DouglasMacArthurII is sched uled to leave Tokyo at Saturday to attend the annual meeting of Far Eastern am..."






The Rhinelander Daily News   30 nov 1960

"... was The November drop was attrib both to a seasonal cutback in outdoor activities and slackened activity in many plants and Indus Ties Soys Envoy Japan Ambassador DouglasMacArthurII said today Japan and the United..."

http://www.foia.cia.gov/sites/default/files/document_conversions/5829/CIA-RDP80R01731R000900120003-1.pdf

LETTER TO MR. DOUGLAS MACARTHUR, II FROM ALLEN W. DULLES

http://www.foia.cia.gov/sites/default/files/document_conversions/5829/CIA-RDP80R01731R000900120004-0.pdf

LETTER TO THE HONORABLE ALLEN W. DULLES FROM DOUGLAS MACARTHUR II

http://www.foia.cia.gov/document/cia-rdp80r01731r000300010079-6

LETTER TO THE HONORABLE ALLEN W. DULLES, DIRECTOR FROM DOUGLAS MACARTHUR II

Il est intéressant de retrouver la trace de Douglas MacArthur II dans un document de février 1978 montrant qu'il était encore actif dans des affaires américano-belges ...

http://aad.archives.gov/aad/createpdf?rid=44809&dt=2694&dl=2009

(...)

A voir :

http://www.adst.org/OH%20TOCs/MacArthur,%20Douglas%20II%20.toc.pdf

(notamment ce qui concerne Robert Murphy, un contact de André Moyen).

Il n'est pas nécessaire d'instrumentaliser ce site pour se convaincre du caractère néfaste et nocif de l'influence des États-Unis à l'époque de Ronald Reagan. Il est permis de s'interroger à la date d'aujourd'hui sur la référence implicite dans responsabilité des tueries du Brabant des milieux conservateurs réactionnaires de l'époque. Rien n'est prouvé. J'aimerais de plus amples explications sur la déclassification des documents en provenance de l'armée américaine et éventuellement du département d'État. Est-ce que les autorités judiciaires belges, en dehors des éventuelles révélations de wikilinks, ont pris une quelconque initiative de nature à clarifier le rôle de l'OTAN à l'époque ? Visiblement, aucune information ne transparaît en la matière. En tout état de cause, au stade où nous en sommes, il appartient à la CBW de justifier de ses diligences. Le citoyen belge a un droit de regard sur le pouvoir judiciaire qu'il finance au travers de l'impôt. C'est à lui de demander à ce qu'on lui rende des comptes. Est-ce que les autorités américaines ont été interpellées d'une manière ou d'une autre dans le cadre de l'enquête sur les tueries du Brabant ? Il est inutile aujourd'hui de se prévaloir du secret l'instruction. Il s'agit d'une notion totalement dépassée que les peuples n'acceptent plus sauf à considérer qu'il faut étouffer ce qui dérange. Je pense que la presse flamande est très en pointe en matière d'investigation. Quel est le résultat ?

Les chemins de Douglas MacArthur II et de Robert Murphy se sont souvent croisés et ils ont même travaillé ensemble...


http://www.newspapers.com/image/10946136/?terms=%22Douglas%2BMacArthur%2BII%22%2C%2BMurphy








_ _ _


http://www.newspapers.com/image/34742603/?terms=%22Douglas%2BMacArthur%2BII%22%2C%2B%22Robert%2BMurphy%22








_ _ _


http://www.newspapers.com/image/58417527/?terms=%22Douglas%2BMacArthur%2BII%22%2C%2B%22Robert%2BMurphy%22








_ _ _


http://www.newspapers.com/image/10447809/?terms=%22Douglas%2BMacArthur%2BII%22%2C%2B%22Robert%2BMurphy%22

Ils étaient déjà ensemble à Vichy ...

http://www.newspapers.com/image/13056898/?terms=%22Douglas%2BMacArthur%2BII%22%2C%2BMurphy

http://www.newspapers.com/image/5840193/?terms=%22Douglas%2BMacArthur%2BII%22%2C%2BMurphy








En 1949, Robert D. Murphy était ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire en Belgique.

http://www.newspapers.com/image/66889802/?terms=%22Douglas%2BMacArthur%2BII%22%2C%2BMurphy









_ _ _