WACL (World Anti Communiste League)

http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/1983/11/CAUCHIE/37641

Euromissiles : les hésitations du « meilleur élève » de l’OTAN

par Nicole Cauchie, novembre 1983

SI l’on en croit les sondages, le pacifisme est le mouvement qui fait le plus recette à l’heure actuelle en Belgique. Les chiffres sont là : 79 % des Belges se disent opposés à l’installation des euromissiles de l’OTAN sur le territoire belge, et 77 % rejettent toute augmentation de l’arsenal nucléaire en Europe. Depuis 1979, la décision de principe de l’OTAN d’installer quarante-huit missiles de croisière en Belgique ne cesse d’alimenter un vaste débat dans l’opinion publique, que ne laissait sans doute pas prévoir la docilité atlantiste habituelle des gouvernements successifs. La Belgique, siège du quartier général de l’alliance atlantique, n’était-elle pas considérée comme le « meilleur élève » de l’OTAN ?

C’est à Bruxelles qu’a eu lieu l’une des premières manifestations antimissiles, en décembre 1979, quelques jours avant que les représentants de l’alliance atlantique ne se réunissent pour prendre formellement leur double décision. Le mouvement a ensuite fait très vite son chemin au sein même des partis gouvernementaux et la Belgique a toujours réservé sa décision quant à l’implantation éventuelle de nouvelles armes nucléaires, jusqu’à ce que soit connu le résultat des négociations de Genève.

Dans les milieux politiques, c’est parmi les socialistes flamands que l’hostilité aux missiles a trouvé le plus d’écho. Leur président, M. Karel van Miert s’est fait d’emblée le champion de la lutte contre la double décision de l’OTAN, au point de menacer l’existence du gouvernement dont les socialistes faisaient à l’époque partie. Finalement, le ministre des affaires étrangères, M. Henri Simonnet, socialiste francophone, favorable aux (...)

(...)

Washington Times Sponsors Contras Fund

Michael Isikoff

Washington Post Staff Writer

7 mai 1985


The Washington Times said yesterday that it is sponsoring a worldwide fund-raising campaign to collect $14 million for the "contra" rebels in Nicaragua and has received a $100,000 commitment for the cause from the paper's owners, the Unification Church.

The Times campaign, coming just two weeks after the House rejected President Reagan's request for the same amount of aid to the contras, is among the most ambitious publicly announced initiatives so far to raise private money specifically for the anti-Sandinista guerrillas.

Arnaud de Borchgrave, the Times' editor, who has championed the contra cause on the paper's editorial page, announced in a front-page editorial yesterday that the newspaper is setting up a non-profit, public corporation that will oversee fund raising for the contras and that will operate independently of the paper's news operations.

The funds for the contras will go only for "humanitarian assistance" such as food, clothing and medical supplies, because federal law prohibits fund raising within the United States for weapons to be sent overseas, de Borchgrave said.

"This will be perfectly above-board, with no violation of any laws whatsoever," said de Borchgrave, who added that the drive is needed because "Congress is not willing to live up to its responsibilities.

"Unlike other papers, we are willing to put our money where our opinions are," de Borchgrave said.

The Times campaign was immediately welcomed yesterday by a Washington spokesman for the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN), the largest of the rebel groups. FDN official Bosco Matamoros said the money for food and clothing would free up funds which the group can use "for other supplies."

"We have our people in the mountains who are struggling for Nicaragua . . . who are dying, who are suffering, who need this assistance," said Matamoros, who added that he personally called de Borchgrave yesterday to "express our gratitude for this effort."

De Borchgrave said he thought up the idea for the campaign on Sunday and won quick approval from Col. Bo Hi Pak, the top deputy to Unification Church leader Rev. Sun Myung Moon and president of News World Communications Inc., the parent company of the Times.

Pak "thought it was a great idea" and immediately pledged $100,000 to the drive, he said.

Since the editorial ran in yesterday's editions, "the phone has been ringing off the hook," de Borchgrave said. "I sleep in a couch in my office, and by 7 o'clock the calls started flowing in. People wanted to know where they can send the money."

The Times initiative comes while a number of closely related conservative groups such as the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) and the United States Council for World Freedom have been conducting independent fund-raising drives to funnel military and other aid to the contras.

Retired Army major general John K. Singlaub, the former chief of staff of U.S. forces in South Korea who heads both groups, said in a recent interview with Washington Post special correspondent Peter H. Stone that his group had raised almost $2 million outside the United States for arms for the rebels.

Adolfo Calero, political chief of the FDN, estimated that since Congress cut off aid to the contras last year, his group had received "close to $10 million" in private aid, about 40 percent of which he said was for arms and the rest for other forms of assistance.

But the full scale of private-sector aid to the contras has been difficult to determine, in part because many of the groups involved in raising money have described their efforts as being humanitarian aid to refugees in Honduras, where many of the families of Nicaraguan contras are living.

One such group that has acknowledged providing refugee assistance is Causa, the Unification Church's anti-Communist political arm that is also headed by Pak. Retired general E. David Woellner, Causa's director of world services, said yesterday that food, clothing and other supplies the group shipped to Honduras last year went only to "refugees and orphans. Maybe they became orphans because the Communists killed their fathers and mothers."

De Borchgrave said the Times campaign has nothing to do with Causa's efforts, adding that the newspaper plans to announce a list of distinguished individuals who will head up the nonprofit corporation later this week.

Referring to the huge financial losses the Times has suffered since it began publishing three years ago, de Borchgrave said, "People ask, how can the paper afford to do this when it isn't making money? The answer is that, on important moral issues, our corporate owners are willing to lend extraordinary assistance."

White House spokesman Dale Petroskey declined to comment on the Times campaign yesterday. Asked about private fund-raising for the contras in general, he said, "It's not something we encourage or discourage . . . We would like to see the Congress fund the effort."

A fascist milch cow for a cult - and colleges

by Howard Goldenthal and Russ Bellant

1 février 1990

The Toronto Star


But it isn't only his WWII record that contaminates Sasakawa's million dollars; it is his postwar role as a milch cow to Japan's unrehabilitated fascist and ultra-nationalist organizations such as the Reverend Sun Myung Moon's far-right Unification Church.

As is the case with so many who donate ill-gotten wealth to worthy causes, Sasakawa hopes the money will buy him a new reputation. That may take more than his immense fortune contains.

Sasakawa was a leader of Japan's fascist movement in the 1930s, and an admirer of Mussolini. In 1939, he was of sufficient position to meet the Italian dictator and be photographed with him. His private militia even wore black shirts in imitation of the Italian fascists.

His wartime intrigues caused U.S. occupation forces to designate him as one of only 89 Class A war criminals after the war. He was jailed for three years, but charges were never filed. Instead, Sasakawa and others involved in gun and drug trafficking were released when they agreed to work for U.S. intelligence agencies.

Before his release, the final U.S. evaluation of Sasakawa concluded that "he is a man of wealth and too scrupulous about its use. He chafes for continued power. He is not above wearing any new cloak that opportunism may offer."

Authors David Kaplan and Alec Dubro in Yakuza, a book on Japanese organized crime, say that after his release from prison, Sasakawa "began making trips to the United States, spreading largess among influential Americans for both personal and political advantage."

He also set up gambling syndicates upon which his fortune was built. Yakuza reports that "he employed squads of financial racketeers to push along his controversial investments."

Sasakawa and other organized crime elements became major backers of the Moonies, making Japan the strongest base of the cult's operations in the world.

Moon and Sasakawa would join their forces into the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) when that group was formed in the late 1960s. WACL was composed of unrepentant Hitler collaborators, death squad leaders from Latin America, and other totalitarian elements.

During the Iran-Contra hearings, WACL was cited as one of the major Contra funding sources. In addition, the political arm of the Unification Church was mentioned in documents found in Oliver North's safe.

In 1974, Time reported Sasakawa's boast that he was "the world's richest fascist." Sasakawa's peace foundation, the vehicle for grants to universities, which have included Princeton, has been the funnel for his "humanitarian" donations.

Some recipients such as former president Jimmy Carter (who received $2 million for his presidential library) have praised Sasakawa's work for peace."

Yet it is hard to see what peace Sasakawa is working for. Yakuza describes his view as "unrepentantly militarist," pushing for greatly expanded Japanese military power. Sasakawa has also bragged of his "private army of 8 million" and his name surfaced in the Lockheed influence-buying scandal that rocked Japan in the 1970s.

Yakusa notes that he has even profited in the international sex trade and attempted to get a foothold in Atlantic City gambling. Law enforcement agencies aware of Sasakawa's extensive criminal enterprise blocked the move.

What price will Sasakawa expect from his "donation?" A refurbished image is high on his list of priorities and universities are uniquely able to confirm legitimacy on those with ability and willingness to pay for it. Sasakawa is angling for a Nobel Prize and has set up an office in Oslo, Norway, to lobby for it. By appearing to do some good works and collecting the plaudits of those who received his money, Sasakawa hopes to inch closer to his goal.

It will be argued that the money, designated for students, will serve a constructive purpose that outweighs the stigma of its source. But the public and posterity is best served by banning unrepentant fascists and gangsters from the mainstream of society.


* Howard Goldenthal is a Toronto writer. Russ Bellant is an investigative journalist based in Detroit.

RIGHT-WING LEAGUE CITES ROLE IN FIGHTING COMMUNISM

By Doyle McManus, Los Angeles Times News Service

16 septembre 1985

The Record


Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub stood ramrod-straight beneath pink crystal chandeliers and the white glare of television lights. He gazed across a ballroom filled with Texas millionaires, Nicaraguan rebels, South American rightists, and Chinese anti-Communists. To his surprise, he said later, a tear welled up in his soldierly eye.

"President Reagan is our symbol of strength," he said, "the triumph of God's will against the evil of Communist tyranny." The audience stood and cheered. It cheered again for a Nicaraguan anti-Sandinista rebel commander who lost a leg in battle, cheered again for an Afghan rebel whose fingers had been blown off by a mine, and cheered once more for a grandmotherly looking heiress who has given the contras _ as the Nicaraguan insurgents are called _ $65,000 to buy a helicopter.

These are heady days for the World Anti-Communist League.

A worldwide network of rightist groups led by Singlaub, the former U.S. commander in Korea who retired in 1978 after publicly charging then-President Jimmy Carter with ignoring the Communist threat, the league was virtually unknown until a few months ago. Once riven by neo-Nazis and anti-Semites, WACL has suddenly found itself the object of public attention as the most effective source of private funds for the contras.

Now, the organization, with chapters in 98 nations, says it plans to provide the same service for anti-Communist insurgents in Africa and Asia as well, becoming a new factor in Third World politics: a ready-made fund-raising network for rightists.

Singlaub's fervent fund-raisers believe that they are riding the crest of a wave. And in large part, they think their new momentum comes from having a friend in the White House: "I commend you all for your part in this noble cause," Reagan told the organization's members in a letter to WACL's annual conference here last week. "Our combined efforts are moving the tide of history toward world freedom." Reagan's letter stressed his commitment to promoting democracy in place of both rightist and leftist dictatorships, a basic tenet of what some officials have called the "Reagan Doctrine." But Singlaub and other members of WACL were quick to defend the world's remaining rightist autocrats. The meeting's delegates included an aide to Paraguay's Gen. Alfredo Stroessner, South America's longest-reigning dictator, and a Guatemalan rightist who U.S. officials charge has helped organize death squads in Central America. Delegates from Spain, Portugal, and Argentina openly waxed nostalgic about the fallen dictatorships in their now-democratic countries. Congratulates Pinochet

And the conference took time out to send a telegram to Chile's president, Gen. Augusto Pinochet, congratulating him on the anniversary of his 1973 coup against a leftist regime. "That was one place where the people overthrew a Communist government," Singlaub said.

"We are trying to organize programs of support to anti-Communist resistance movements to fill the gaps left by the idiocies of Congress," Singlaub, a man who relishes direct speech, said in an interview.

In the case of the contras, he said, "The remarkable thing is that an effort on the part of the private sector kept them from collapsing." The Central Intelligence Agency funded the contras from 1981 until Congress halted the aid in 1984. In July, Congress agreed to resume funding, but only for nonlethal supplies.

Administration officials have acknowledged that, in the interim, they directed some would-be donors to Singlaub but say they did not actively solicit contributions or advise Singlaub on the effort.

"The president's policy was clear," Singlaub said. "We just designed a program that we thought was carrying out the president's desires." Singlaub, who earlier ran a private aid program for the army of El Salvador with direct help from the Pentagon, said he abstained from almost any contact with the administration, because Congress had prohibited U.S. aid of any kind.

But, noting that he has long known several administration officials _ and that three members of his WACL chapter have been named ambassadors by Reagan _ he said, "I don't think we're out of touch." Adolfo Calero, one of the contras' top leaders, says Singlaub has been his most effective fund-raiser in the United States, perhaps because the retired general makes no bones about going beyond purely "humanitarian" aid to help the rebels' military effort.

His donors include Ellen Garwood, the elderly Austin, Tex., heiress who says she "just gave up going on cruises and buying fancy dresses" to help the contras, and oil billionaire Nelson Bunker Hunt, who attended WACL's "Freedom Fighters' Ball" here last week and lauded Singlaub for raising money "when our government should have been doing it." Supplies donated

Singlaub said he has no way of estimating how much he has raised for the contras, because many donors give supplies rather than cash. (Calero has said the rebels have been given almost $25 million during the past year, most of it outside the United States, reportedly including some covert aid from Latin American governments.)

Federal laws prevent Singlaub from using money raised in the United States for buying guns and ammunition, and that is where the WACL network comes in. Especially in Latin America, the organization has steered him to wealthy, well-connected rightists who can fund weapons purchases.

"I can go to any country in the world and I know that I have a friend there who can help me get in touch with people I need," Singlaub said.

Now, he said, WACL plans to expand its fund-raising efforts to help other insurgent movements in Afghanistan, Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.

He said WACL members in Portugal are already aiding rebels in the former Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique, and the organization's large chapters in Taiwan and South Korea have been active in Indochina.

Private-enterprise insurgency is a relatively new mission for WACL, which was founded in 1967 by members of Taiwan's ruling Kuomintang party mainly as a vehicle for organizing opposition to Communist-ruled mainland China.

Dallas Hosts Anti- Communist League Diverse Group Hears Insurgents Plead for 'No-Strings' Funding

Charles R. Babcock

Washington Post Staff Writer

17 septembre 1985


DALLAS-There were "freedom fighters" representing several armed insurgencies, wealthy Texans, representatives of Soldier of Fortune magazine and the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, and ultra-right politicians from Guatemala and Paraguay-all rubbing shoulders in a new luxury hotel in north Dallas.

The occasion was last week's 18th annual conference of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), which was founded by the governments of Taiwan and South Korea and has tried in recent years to rid itself of members who espoused anti-Semitic and fascist views.

The four-day conference ended with an "International Freedom Fighters Dinner" featuring greetings from President Reagan, "Freedom Fighter of the Year" medals for insurgents from Nicaragua and Afghanistan, a special citation for a Dallas woman who gave $65,000 toward a helicopter for the Nicaraguan contras, and the unveiling of a bust of Reagan made by a Cambodian who dreamed that "he would meet an old white man {Reagan} who would help" his country's resistance movement.

"I commend you all for your part in this noble cause," the Reagan letter read. "Our combined efforts are moving the tide of history toward world freedom."

Representatives of eight anti-Marxist resistance movements attended, but most of the attention was focused on the Nicaraguans, led by political leader Adolfo Calero and military commander Enrique Bermudez.

Also in the spotlight was the WACL chairman, retired Army major general John Singlaub, cashiered by President Jimmy Carter for criticizing the proposed withdrawal of U.S. troops from South Korea in the late 1970s.

During the past year, Singlaub has been active in raising private funds to help the Nicaraguan opposition to the leftist Sandinista government. Ellen Garwood, who helped pay for the helicopter, said: "God in his mysterious way has put Gen. Singlaub in communism's way, and the general is saying, They shall not pass.' "

Participants at the conference could buy WACL "Freedom Fighter" T-shirts and FDN (Nicaraguan Democratic Force) shoulder patches, and pick up literature describing a planned Captive Nations Park in San Antonio, which is to fly flags at half staff and include a replica of the Statue of Liberty gagged, with a tear in her eye and her torch at her feet.

Bert Hurlbut, a key WACL financial supporter, said that his minister from Austin was on hand broadcasting the proceedings over "Straight Talk Radio." And participants were abuzz at the arrival of two other media personalities: Mike Wallace of CBS' "60 Minutes," and producer George Crile, both of Westmoreland libel trial fame.

The gathering featured moments of genuine emotion and impassioned rhetoric. A woman representing resistance forces in Mozambique said she was upset that Reagan is scheduled to meet and "shake the bloody hand" of Marxist Mozambican leader Samora Machel.

An Afghan fighter, who had lost a hand to a Soviet mine, and the Nicaraguan, who had lost a leg and was awarded the medal at the dinner, told their stories many times.

Dr. Haing S. Ngor, who played the Cambodian reporter in the movie "The Killing Fields," said that the genocide of his people by the communists was too grisly to be portrayed on film "because no one could stand to watch it."

Assembled resistance leaders had many opportunities to make public relations points. Calero, for instance, said several times that his award winner, Hubert R. Rodriguez, known as Sierra Three, lost a leg only after a flesh wound became infected because the FDN had no medical-evacuation helicopters.

Congress has approved $27 million in humanitarian aid for the contras, but none is to be used for helicopters. So Singlaub said that he has agreed to try raising new private aid for trucks and helicopters for the Nicaraguans.

There were undercurrents of controversy, as well, at the meeting. The representative of Angolan resistance leader Jonas Savimbi walked out, one participant said, because of the presence of Holden Roberto, head of a now-inactive Angolan opposition group.

Tom Posey, of Civilian Military Assistance, who said he was at the convention as an "observer," said that too many groups were trying to take credit for aiding the contras.

"We don't have to preach to the choir," he said of his Alabama group that has worked in jungle hospitals in Central America. "We're the infantry troops. We're the doers."

Dr. Woo Jae Seung, the WACL secretary general from South Korea, and Singlaub said they did not know that Mario Sandoval Alarcon of Guatemala had been invited to the conference. Sandoval is a presidential candidate of the National Liberation Movement, which has described itself as the "party of organized violence."

The South American chapter in which Sandoval was active was expelled a few years ago because its members made anti-Semitic and pro-Nazi statements. Singlaub said he assumed the new chapter had cleared Sandoval to attend.

As the delegates wrapped up their work with a joint communique supporting anti-Marxist insurgencies worldwide, Singlaub said he hoped that individual chapters would work to raise money to help the insurgents. But he said he had not reviewed any regional "action plans."

Several representatives of the resistance groups said they appreciated the moral support, but need money to buy guns. As Mario Calero, an FDN official, told a French television team: "We need money without any strings attached, without any humanitarian' baloney."

L'article de Celsius de février 1988 sur la WACL est sur :

http://fr.scribd.com/doc/132624330/Celsius-fevrier-1988-WACL

.

Un ouvrage récent sur le plan Condor:

http://fr.scribd.com/doc/90082646/J-Patrice-McSherry-Predatory-States-Operation-Condor-and-Covert-War-in-Latin-America-2005

Quelques archives ...







_ _ _ _ _

Un extrait du livre " L'arme de la drogue " de Henrik Krüger (la traduction date de 1984), consacré à la WACL, est disponible sur :

http://fr.scribd.com/doc/151712603/L-Arme-de-La-Drogue-WACL-1984

A la page 71 du livre de Peter Dale Scott " La machine de guerre américaine " :

Dans ce livre, je parlerai à nouveau de la WACL et du rôle d'agents de la CIA comme Ray Cline et Howard Hunt, qui ont contribué à l'organiser. Mais je crois que la relation de la CIA avec la WACL et la CAL était bien plus ténue et complexe que certains l'ont avancé. Je conçois la WACL comme une force indépendante et délibérément étrangère, travaillant parfois avec la CIA - qui a collaboré à sa création - mais s'opposant par moments à celle-ci, y compris par la violence.

Au sujet de Singlaub et du Council for National Policy ...

http://www.seekgod.ca/cnp.sh.htm

Council for National Policy

Major General John K. Singlaub (ret.)- CNP Board of Governors 1981, member 1981-1998


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Council_for_National_Policy

(...) "The group wants to be the conservative version of the Council on Foreign Relations." The CNP was founded in 1981. Among its founding members were: Tim LaHaye, then the head of the Moral Majority, Nelson Bunker Hunt, T. Cullen Davis, William Cies, and Paul Weyrich.[4] Members of the CNP have included: General John Singlaub, shipping magnate J. Peter Grace, Edwin J. Feulner Jr of the Heritage Foundation, Rev. Pat Robertson of the Christian Broadcasting Network, Jerry Falwell, Senator Trent Lott, Southern Baptist Convention activists and retired Texas Court of Appeals Judge Paul Pressler, and the Rev. Paige Patterson ,[5] Senator Don Nickles, former United States Attorneys General Ed Meese and John Ashcroft, gun-rights activist Larry Pratt, Col. Oliver North, and philanthropist Else Prince, mother of Erik Prince, the founder of the Blackwater private security firm.[6][7]


^ Inside the Council for National Policy ABC News May 8, 2008
^ The War for Thee University, page 191. Texas Monthly Magazine. Nov 1991. Retrieved February 16, 2011.
^ Christian Fundamentalism Permeates the Republican Party: Sarah Palin's links to the Christian Right, F. William Engdahl, OpEdNews, September 15, 2008
^ a b ABC

Un lecteur attentif conseille la prudence en ce qui concerne le site suivant :

http://www.seekgod.ca/cnp.sh.htm

(secte protestante)

et propose ce qui suit :

http://rightweb.irc-online.org/profile/Council_for_National_Policy/

A retenir aussi ... parmi les membres : Col. Oliver North

Le CNP n'est qu'une façade pseudo-religieuse. Singlaub n'est pas du tout du type "religieux".

Cette structure permet de faire des trucs autrement impossibles.

CNP étant officiellement une organisation religieuse, elle était exempte de taxes, ce qui permettait de transférer les contributions des membres (et autres sponsors) sans aucune comptabilité.

Tout comme la CNP, la WACL était "tax-exempt" sous le statut 501c3.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/501(c)_organization

Voir aussi :

http://archive.adl.org/Civil_Rights/WACL_and_JohnMcCain.asp

president du WACl puis 5 ans après en chine !>c'est comme les tontons flingeurs !


http://www.eurochinacentre.com/developmentcourse1-en.html

ftp://digital.amsab.be/pubs_serials/Combat_1961-1992/1986/1986-39.pdf
pag7

Citation :

Un «syndicaliste» à la tête de la WACL

Début septembre, le Novotel de Luxembourg accueillait
la 19* conférence annuelle de la Ligue mondiale anticommuniste (WACL).

Dès l'ouverture du congrès, la WACL désignait
le successeur du major général (e.r.) John Singlaub
(1) et portait à sa présidence le Belge José Desmarets
pour une durée de deux ans. Les journalistes de gauche
n'étaient pas accrédités pour ce congrès.

La WACL a violemment contesté le contenu d'un reportage diffusé
sur TF 1, dans lequel on sousentendait
que les assassins d'Olof Palme pourraient se
trouver dans les rangs de la Ligue.
Le sénateur du Parti réformateur libéral Robert Close, membre de la section
belge organisatrice de la rencontre, a déclaré que son organisation
poursuivrait en justice tous les auteurs de ce
type d'accusations. Nous nous contenterons aujourd'hui
de dresser le portrait du nouveau président de la
WACL, l'actuel sénateur PSC José Desmarets. Nous reviendrons
par la suite sur l'historique de ce mouvement dans notre pays.

CSC
Desmarets n'est pas le premier Belge à se trouver aux
commandes de la WACL.Avant lui, le général e.r. Robert
Close avait déjà eu cet honneur. Les deux ailes de
l'actuelle coalition gouvernementale
auront donc eu, cha-
| cune, leur représentant dans
* ce cénacle anticommuniste
qu'est la WACL.
La carrière de José Desmarets
a pourtant démarré dans
un milieu dont les préoccupations
étaient, à priori, assez
éloignées de la lutte anticommuniste,
des groupes, d'extrême-
droite ou des régimes
dictatoriaux qui se côtoient
dans la Ligue. Originaire de
Halle dans le Brabant fla-(
mand, José Desmarets fait
ses premières armes dans le
monde syndical chrétien, à
l'ombre de Gust Cool, le président
de la Confédération des
syndicats chrétiens (2). Pendant
un temps, il devient
même directeur du quotidien
du Mouvement ouvrier chrétien
(MOC), « La Cité ».

Au gouvernement
II se laisse alors tenter par
l'aventure plus strictement politique,
en devenant député du
Parti social chrétien, dans l'arrondissement
de Bruxelles-
Halle-Vilvorde. Il deviendra
ministre des Classes
moyennes, tout en poursuivant
une évolution politique de
plus en plus droitière. En effet,
il est un des trois ministres)
CEPIC présents au congrès
de lancement de cette aile
réactionnaire du PSC à Liège
en 1975, aux côtés de Paul
Van Den Boeynants et de Joseph
Michel. Il fut même membre
du bureau du CEPIC.
En 1979, il succède à VDB
au poste de vice-Premier ministre
et ministre de la Défense
nationale. A ses côtés,
Bernard de Closset, son chef
de cabinet adjoint, conférencier
du Cercle des nouveaux
économistes et conseiller de
VDB.
Cet ancien membre du CEPIC
et administrateur du CEDI
belge (3) est passé au PRL, et
travaille actuellement au cabinet
de Jean Gol, vice-Premier
ministre et ministre de la Justice.
De Closset est conseiller
du ministre dans la cellule
économique. En 1981, il
confiait au journal «Le Soir»
ses conceptions politiques :
«II faut s'infiltrer dans les
grands partis traditionnels
pour mieux lutter contre le
pouvoir socialiste. Le seul responsable
de la crise, c'est le
Parti socialiste».
Mais refermons la parenthèse
de Cfosset pour revenir
au nouveau président de la
WACL.
1981 marque un certain déclin
pour José Desmarets. Il
.quitte son poste de ministre de
la Défense pour n'être plus
qu'un simple sénateur. Est-ce
parce que ses relations avec
i'extrême-droite deviennent de
plus en plus marquées?
Ses amis?
En 1980, par exemple, il est
membre du Comité d'honneur
de la Fédération nationale des
auditeurs et téléspectateurs.
Cette officine anti-RTBF (4)
est dirigée par Yvan Lepère,
un ancien des NEM-clubs qui
s'est séparé en 1974 d'Emile
Lecerf pour fonder un autre
groupe d'extrême-droite,
l'Union solidariste belge.
L'UBS rejoindra plus tard le
docteur Claude Nancy, un ancien
de Jeune Europe.
En juin 1980, il intervient,
avec VDB, auprès du ministre
de l'Emploi et du Travail De
Wulf en faveur d'un jeune
homme, afin de le faire nommer
fonctionnaire temporaire
dans ce ministre. Son «protégé
» devient ainsi secrétaire
d'administration adjoint au
conseiller adjoint pour la région
de Liège. Le «jeune
homme » n'est autre que Paul
Latinus, un ancien cadre du
Front de la Jeunesse, et futur
dirigeant du célèbre Westland
NewPost(WNP).

Simple sénateur
Absent du gouvernement,
José Desmarets n'en reste
pas moins un homme influent,
soutenu par la finance belge.
Ainsi, en 1982, il devint administrateur de la SAIT Electronics
(5), et en 1983, il rejoint le conseil d'administration de la Diamond Board, deux entreprises
contrôlées par la Société générale de Belgique.

Citons encore cet extrait de «L'argent du PSC-CVP» :
«En 1977, le soutien (des électriciens à ce parti NDLR)
parvint de deux côtés : 6 millions des compagnies d'électricité elles-mêmes, et
400.000 francs d'un candidat PSC qui avait reçu un demi million des électriciens, mais
qui n'avait besoin que de 100.000 francs pour sa campagne.
José Desmarets a des liens étroits avec les compagnies d'électricité

MRB et AAB

Depuis son passage à la Défense nationale, Desmarets
est principalement actif sur deux terrains.

D'une part, il a fondé en 1983 le Mouvement pour le rassemblement des Belges (MRB), qui regroupe des militants et des mouvements
réactionnaires nostalgiques d'une Belgique unitaire.
D'autre part, il préside depuis 1984 l'Association Atlantique belge, une organisation civile de l'OTAN. Cette association est la plus importante du lobby anti-soviétique et pro-missiles
en Belgique.

Enfin, en 1984, il était aussi partie prenante de la tentative de reconstruction,
à l'intérieur du PSC, d'une nouvelle aide réactionnaire,baptisée « Rassemblement du
Centre». La disparition du CEPIC laissait en effet un vide au sein du Parti social chrétien.
D'un point de vue strictement belge donc, sa nomination n'est pas surprenante. On
voit mal qui, dans notre pays,à part Robert Close, pourrait lui contester cette présidence
de la WACL.

Sous le règne de John Singlaub,la Ligue a permis de contourner les blocages politiques
existant aux Etats-Unis et concernant le financement de la Contra au Nicaragua entre
autres. L'organisation a en effet servi à «privatiser» cette aide. On s'explique dès lors
mal pourquoi, aujourd'hui, la petite Belgique préside, pour
la deuxième fois en moins de cinq ans, aux destinées de la WACL.

(1) Pour le portrait de John Singlaub,
voir Article 31 n°5.
(2) En ce qui concerne la personnalité
d'Auguste Cool, lire l'ouvrage
«L'argent du PSC-CVP»
paru chez EPO en 1984. On y explique,
entre autres, comment
Cool, ce dirigeant syndical, a collecté
des dizaines de millions de
francs auprès des banques, des
holdings et des multinationales
pour les faire atterrir dans les
caisses électorales du PSC-CVP.
(3) Organisation de soutien à l'Espagne
franquiste.
(4) RTBF : radio-télévision belge
d'expression française.
(5) La SAIT Electronics se voit attribuer
beaucoup de commandes
de l'Etat, une bonne partie provenant
de la Défense nationale. En
1983, José Desmarets démissionne
et est remplacé au conseil
d'administration par le chevalier
François-Xavier de Donnéa de
Hamoir. Celui-ci est l'actuel ministre
de la Défense nationale.
La Ligue Anti-Communiste,
Ds window :
La Ligue Anti-Communiste,
WACL figure dans tous les répertoires
de I'extrême-droite.
Ainsi, selon Patrice Chairoff,
auteur du « Dossier Néo-Nazismè
», la WACL a été fondée
en 1967, à Formose, et était, à
l'origine manipulée par la CIA
et les services spéciaux de
l'OTAN.
Toujours selon P. Chairoff, la
WACL a été fort proche du sinistre
Ordine Nuevo et travaille
« avec les exilés pro-nazis hongrois,
roumains ou baltes aux
quatre coins du monde ».
La WACL a également participé
au financement d'Aglnter,
cette pseudo agence de presse
créée au Portugal de Salazar
par des anciens de l'OAS et qui
recrutait notamment des mercenaires
pour l'Afrique blanche.

Sous dessin
«Un syndicaliste à la tête de la WACL» est destiné à paraître dans le
numéro d'octobre de «Article 31», spécialisé dans la lutte contre
l'extrême-droite (l'article 31 est celui qui devrait clôturer la déclaration
des droits de l'homme, pour (aire de la lutte contre ceux qui les
bafouent une obligation). Le dessin ci-dessus est le cliché de couverture
du n° 21 qui contient un intéressant dossier sur le lobby sud-africain
en Belgique, avec notamment Protea où on trouve des hommes
politiques aussi connus que les CVP A. Ulerich et G. Eyskens. «Article
31 » est vendu 100F le numéro, 1.000F pour l'abonnement annuel.
- Article 31, BP 210 Bruxelles U, compte n° 001-1902489-07.

ftp://digital.amsab.be/pubs_serials/Combat_1961-1992/1986/1986-39.pdf



on comprend que l'éviction de tout les elements de droite ds la psc par Depr. c'est du pipipo

ravallement de façade ?

Extraits de :

http://fr.scribd.com/doc/58287382/Anarchy-Issue-37

(à partir de la page 20)




(...)



(...)



(...)

pour comprendre les manœuvres d'époque :

http://blog.pickme.be/2010/07/29/les-signaux-dans-la-presse/